
Key mechanisms and findings
Supply side: organized funding and infiltration
- Conservative think tanks spend ~$900 million/year on climate denial; ~$2 billion annually lobbies Congress against climate legislation (pre-Trump era). European pattern mirrors this at lower scale (~€100M/year to EU Commission vs. €100 for climate advocacy organizations).
- Linguistic analysis (Farrell et al.) of 40,000+ documents from 164 think tanks shows denialist rhetoric did not shift toward mainstream positions; rather, news media and political rhetoric became more similar to denialist framing between 1995–2013—demonstrating successful long-term influence campaigns.
- IPCC versus NIPCC (Heartland Institute) comparative analysis: pseudoscientific climate denial expresses greater certainty, while legitimate climate science (IPCC) increases expression of uncertainty over time as evidence accumulates—a fundamental reversal from how science actually works.
Deception techniques
- Deniers employ cherry-picking: finding technically true data points (e.g., 0.7° temperature drop between two specific months) that are misleading at broader scales (contradicting overwhelming warming trend).
- Blind-test experiment with expert statisticians: claims based on denialist arguments (reframed as non-climate policy questions) were universally identified as incorrect, while mainstream science claims were validated—demonstrating that denial relies on misleading framing rather than defensible scientific positions.
Demand side: political ideology as psychological barrier
- Strong, replicable finding across ≥24 countries: acceptance of climate change inversely correlates with political conservatism, libertarianism, and free-market endorsement. This is one of the most stable relationships in political psychology and "is not subject to rational empirical attack."
- Mechanism: scientific norms (communism/universalism of knowledge, transcendence of national boundaries, shared knowledge ownership) are fundamentally incompatible with conservative worldviews emphasizing hierarchy and human exceptionalism. This represents a deep structural tension, not merely disagreement over specific facts.
- Correlational analysis: conservatism negatively predicts both climate-science acceptance and vaccine-safety acceptance; both correlate positively with endorsement of scientific norms.
Cascading effects of misinformation
- Case study (Australian bushfires): when people receive misinformation that arson caused bushfires (contradicting evidence), they reason less about climate as a causal factor in bushfires and in unrelated future climate impacts (floods). Misinformation about one topic spreads reasoning shifts across the entire information landscape.
- Correction interventions work: when provided accurate information, people's reasoning reverts to appropriate climate-attribution; blue bars in experiments show non-misinformed participants maintain correct reasoning patterns.
Solutions: consensus messaging and inoculation
- Consensus information (97%+ scientist agreement on climate change) increases acceptance, particularly among right-leaning individuals initially disinclined to believe.
- Mega-study (27,000 participants, 27 countries) replicates consensus-messaging effect: providing scientific consensus information causally increases climate-change acceptance.
- However, consensus messaging "can only take us so far" in an adversarial environment where counter-arguments and rejection are constant.
Geopolitical threat: democratic backsliding
- Quantitative analysis: the U.S. has experienced steeper democratic decline than other democracies currently experiencing backsliding (Hungary, Poland).
- Academic freedom—measured as years-after-onset of authoritarian episodes—shows precipitous decline in the U.S., with climate science research and institutions (NCAR) now being cut.
- Democratic backsliding creates a structural threat that communication strategies alone cannot overcome: institutional capacity for scientific research, scientific discourse, and elite accountability are being undermined.
Notes
This keynote integrates supply-side and demand-side analysis in a way that clarifies why communication strategies alone are insufficient. The observation that denialist rhetoric successfully influenced mainstream media rather than being replaced by mainstream positions is particularly striking—it documents a decades-long, well-funded campaign's cumulative effect. The linguistic certainty analysis (IPCC vs. NIPCC) makes concrete a subtle but powerful difference between how science works (increasing precision and humility as evidence accumulates) and how disinformation operates (false confidence).
The psychological analysis identifying scientific norms themselves as a barrier for conservative worldviews goes beyond partisan disagreement; it suggests a structural incompatibility, not a policy disagreement. This frames the problem as difficult but not merely educational.
The conclusion—emphasizing democratic backsliding as a threat to the institutional foundations that make science communication possible—is a sobering pivot from intervention psychology to political economy. It suggests that even effective inoculation and consensus strategies operate within a narrowing institutional window, making urgent both the defense of academic institutions and the improvement of science communication.